[Editor's Note: A word of explanation as to why this article is now being posted on the site. It was a feature article that first appeared in the Jan/Feb 2001 edition of Canadian Dimension, a "left" magazine located in Winnipeg, Manitoba Canada. The reason for re-publishing it now is because it is relevant to an understanding of how the so-called political "Left" in Canada is controlled by the very same Zionist forces who are also in control of the Canada's political "Right" wing parties in this country.

On one hand (or claw, if you prefer ) we have the Harper Conservatives and on the other the Zionist Jew Ignatieff Liberals along with their supposedly "socialist", crypto-Zionist NDP and Bloc appendages.

By all outward appearances we have an ideological dichotomy but in actuality we have but two arms or tentacles stretching forth from the cephalopod source of all our discontent – political Zionism.

In order to show how this scenario unfolds in Canada it will be necessary to use this article as an example of how the Zionists infiltrate and eventually subordinate each and every movement in Canada that shows tendencies challenging to the Zionist ideology or critical of the 'state' of Israel.

The article in question cannot be found by googling it and one cannot find it on the Canadian Dimension website. It's fallen into the sink-hole of non-history because it no longer is useful to those who originally wrote and published it.  I have it here mainly for reference as it will be useful in further discussions.]

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DRY ROT: The Far Right Targets the Left

by Will Offley

Jan/Fed 2001 Vol. 35 No. 1
Canadian Dimension Magazine

Like most huge events in history, the fall of the Berlin Wall shook our world. In doing so it also changed the ground rules of politics.

Whether you call it paradigm shift or merely the temporary triumph of neoliberalism, the dust from the Wall’s collapse has clouded our vision for nearly a decade. Without exception, currents of the Left around the world have found themselves disoriented and scrambling to create a new vision and a new political framework within which to organize and to fight. This has not only been true for the traditional Communist parties, but for the non-Stalinist and anti-Stalinist Left as well.

The left has not yet been able to reconstitute a coherent vision of the new world we want to see issue from the ashes of the old, nor have we articulated the strategy or programme or organizations necessary to make that happen.  As a result, radical left politics have remained largely confined to “anti” politics for a decade or more: anticorporate, anti-globalization, anticapitalist.  We have remained locked down behind the relatively easy bulwark of what we’re against, rather than venturing out into the exposed and more dangerous terrain of defining what we’re for.  In addition, in some sectors there have been marked tendencies to view the capitalist system through the lens of conspiracism and irrationality, where plots and conspiracies replace class interests and mass politics as the motor forces of human society.

This weakening of its culture, institutions and politics have rendered some sectors of the broad left vulnerable to the conscious and organized predation being carried out in Canada by a specific current of the far right. In the U.S. this dates back as far as the Gulf War, where neo-fascist currents like the Larouche organization and Spotlight sought to attach themselves to the movement against the war.

Is the Canadian left immune from this sort of targeting?  No.

Is the situation any different now, a decade later?  Yes and no.

Yes, because Seattle has led to Washington, and from there to Philadelphia and L.A. and Windsor and Prague.  Quebec will be next, and it won’t be the end.  The rise of the struggle in the streets against globalization marks the end of ten years of demoralization and confusion.

There is a new dynamism and a new optimism, and if the path ahead is only partially visible, at least we’re collectively underway again.

However, one has only to look at Seattle to see that the growth of far right currents within and alongside the left and progressive movements has increased visibly over the decade.  There are also indicators that point to a change – during the Gulf War, the far right was active on the fringes, but by Seattle it seemed to be active at the very centre of things.  While the young militants faced down the cops and the gas in downtown Seattle, on a leadership level elements of that movement were being increasingly compromised politically by a de facto convergence between Ralph Nader and the most important far-right leader in the United States, the semi-fascist Pat Buchanan.  Five months later during the April 16th mobilizations in Washington, Buchanan shared a stage with Teamster leader Jimmy Hoffa Jr. as an invited guest of the AFL-CIO.

Antiglobalist politics are not the exclusive preserve of the left. Though it springs from different roots, Buchanan’s opposition to globalization and free trade is as genuine as ours.  He just takes it in a direction diametrically opposed to everything else we stand for – protectionism, racism, exclusion.  Not only that, there have been plenty of examples this century to show the far right can be anti-corporate too.

Throughout the 1920′s Hitler’s Nazi Party contained a minority current led by Gregor and Otto Strasser that was inalterably opposed to the German trusts… as well as the Jews, the Communists, Social Democrats, gays and lesbians, unions, etc.

Nor is the far right confined solely to the hardcore neo-Nazism of the Heritage Front or the Northern Hammerskins.  It’s relatively easy to ward off the interventions of groups that put swastikas on their literature. It’s considerably more difficult when the politics of the groups in question are cloaked in progressive rhetoric and hidden behind coded language. Between Wolfgang Droege and Stockwell Day there is a whole swamp of currents and organizations – conspiracist, anti-Semitic, some with hidden fascist agendas, some totalitarian, some merely far right.

Some of these are targeting the left.  There is reason to be concerned.
Made for Each Other

Although they’re based at different ends of the country, they seem to be made for each other.

The Radical is a monthly tabloid published in Quesnel, B.C. since June 1998 by Arthur Topham, a self-described anarchist who regards himself as “a natural, sovereign and unique critter who doesn’t need any centralized forms of authority telling me how to run my life.”

Discourse and Disclosure is a more irregularly-published bimonthly, also a tabloid.  It has been put out by editor Sue Potvin since May 1996. Potvin, formerly a resident of Ottawa, now resides in Greenwood, Nova Scotia. Potvin is considerably less forthcoming about herself than is Topham.

Both publications share common positions on many different issues.  Both are opposed to globalization, the WTO, the MAI, NAFTA, the World Bank, the IMF, and now to the FTAA.  Both are opposed to the increasing corporate domination of the economy and most other sectors of everyday life.  Both have editorially supported the mobilizations against globalization, from Seattle to Prague.  Both have condemned NATO, and the West’s aggression against Yugoslavia.  Both oppose clearcutting and support many environmental causes.  Both are strongly supportive of Canadian nationalism.  Both have even run articles endorsing gay and lesbian rights, and have been outspoken in support of native struggles from Ipperwash to Gustafsen Lake. When you realize that each has survived hand-to-mouth for years, with very shaky finances, the announcement in the November 2000 issues of each publication that they were moving towards appearing as a joint publication makes a whole lot of sense.  The Radical is distributed widely throughout the hinterland of B.C; Discourse and Disclosure appears to have a broader national distribution.  Both share a number of regular contributors.  To move toward joint publication is a completely logical step in extending the reach of two papers which have essentially identical editorial approaches.

In fact, the similarities go far deeper, but this requires you to get out a fine-tooth comb and start a much closer examination of both publications.  Both papers are riddled with conspiracy theorists.  Both have supported the politics of David Icke, the new age anti-Semite who argues the world is being run by a conspiracy of blood-drinking lizards. Both regularly feature and support the activities of the far-right Detax movement.  Both exhibit numerous links to various prominent anti-Semites, militia supporters and white supremacists.  And because of these similarities both have become important vehicles in English Canada for the politics of the third position current of Canada’s far right, third position because this current of the right rejects capitalism AND Marxism.

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